Nowadays we are battered constantly by political content in
print, on the air, and online – never mind the stream on social media of ridiculously
misleading memes created by professional propagandists. Even disregarding the
silly stuff, there is so much content that I rarely feel the need to seek out
more in bookstores, whether of the brick-and-mortar or the online kind: not of
the of-the-moment “this politician is _______ [wonderful/awful/visionary/loony/transformative/criminal/or
what-have-you]” variety anyway. (In elections I pick my own poisons for my own
reasons.) I prefer the books I buy to be more elevating – or, just as satisfactory,
more decadent. I sometimes do buy books with more generalized political
content, however, and the two that occupied my night table last week were Can Democracy Work?: A Short History of a
Radical Idea from Ancient Athens to Our World by James Miller and the idiosyncratic
The Sky Is Falling: How Vampires,
Zombies, Androids, and Superheroes Made America Great for Extremism by
Peter Biskind. Both of them share a sense of unease that modern democracies in
general and our republic in particular are becoming ungovernable.
Professor of politics and liberal studies James Miller is a former SDS member and recent Occupy Wall Street marcher, though age and
experience have tempered some of his idealism. In his book, which will appeal
especially to armchair historians, he takes the long historical view of democracy.
He starts with a detailed account of ancient Athens, fast-forwards to the Enlightenment
ideas and philosophers culminating in the French Revolution, continues through
the 19th century trends, evolutions, and uprisings (including the
short lived Paris Commune), gives an overview of Wilsonian progressivism and
the Russian revolution, and finally tries to relate all that to the populism of
the present day. He doesn’t really have an answer for the question he asks in
the title, though he does say democracy always relies on widespread public
faith in its basic tenets. This is pretty hit-and-miss over time and around the
world. Most governments give at least a passing nod to the word democracy
either informally or right there in their names (e.g. the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea) but a nod might be all it gets.
The problem, Miller notes, always has been that democracy
does not equal liberal democracy – the latter defined as including the
protection of individual rights not revocable by any majority. Most often it
doesn’t. Liberalism in the sense of limitations on government (democratic or
otherwise) didn’t even arise as a philosophy until the 18th century
and isn’t on firm footing now. Historically, majorities have been quite willing
to vote away the liberties of disliked individuals and minorities; they
sometimes vote away their own liberties in pursuit of some other ends. This
shakes the faith in democracy by those who might be on the losing side of that
vote to an extent that undermines the system itself: “Whether democracy in
America, or anyplace else, can flourish, either as a historically conditioned
set of political institutions or as a moral vision, must remain, by the very
logic of democracy, an open question.” He ends nonetheless on a guardedly optimistic
note.
Disquiet about the future of democracy
long predates Miller, of course. In fact, for most of history there was
outright hostility to democracy, especially (unsurprisingly) in intellectual
circles. Witness Aristotle, who tells us that there are three “true” or good
forms of government: monarchy, aristocracy, and a republic. He follows with a
description of three “perversions” of these: tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy.
The true forms, he says, are perverted into their evil twins when those in
power pursue primarily their own or narrow interests instead of the common
interests – which is to say including the interests of their opponents. The
U.S. Founders were avid classicists and they took Aristotle to heart. They
thereby deliberately tried to craft a constitutional republic that limited the
power of the majority. The very word “democracy” didn’t fully lose its negative
Aristotelian connotation on these shores until the era of Andrew Jackson.
A number of internet memes attribute
false quotes (what a shock) on democracy to various Founders, but these
actually turn up in their writings:
Alexander Hamilton: “Real liberty is never found in despotism or in the
extremes of democracy.”
James Madison: "Where a
majority are united by a common sentiment, and have an opportunity, the rights
of the minor party become insecure."
John Adams: “There never was a
democracy yet that did not commit suicide.”
Benjamin Rush: "A simple
democracy is the devil's own government."
Elbridge Gerry (the “Gerry” in “gerrymander”
btw): "The evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy. The
people do not want virtue, but are the dupes of pretended patriots."
Events in the first half of the 20th
century should give pause if nothing else does. The rise of fascism and
communism – with ultimately shocking results – was immensely popular once the
regimes took power. There were several plebiscites with 90% majorities. Fabian
socialist playwright George Bernard Shaw in 1936 took note of this and wrote, “Parliaments
are supposed to have their fingers always on the people's pulse and to respond
to its slightest throb. Mussolini proved that parliaments have not the
slightest notion of how the people are feeling, and that he, being a good
psychologist and a man of the people himself to boot, was a true organ of
democracy. I, being a bit of a psychologist myself, also understood the
situation, and was immediately denounced by the refugees and their champions as
an anti-democrat, a hero worshipper of tyrants, and all the rest of it.” Regrettably,
he had a point. So did those refugees and their champions.
Peter Biskind, best known as an arts
and movie reviewer, approaches the subject from a completely different
direction. As a cultural commentator, he argues that movies and TV shows with
extremist subtexts (or sometimes just plain texts) of both left (Avatar) and the right (24) variety push the public away from consensus
and toward the extremes. He is writing about the USA, but notes that Hollywood’s
global reach influences publics elsewhere, too. In The Sky is Falling he writes, “After the election of Dwight D.
Eisenhower in 1952, the government fell into the hands of a bipartisan
coalition of center-right liberals and center-left conservatives, that is, Cold
War Democrats and East Coast Republicans whose visions of postwar America were
similar enough that they could see eye-to-eye on basic principles.” Wall Street
accommodating Democrats and social program tolerant Republicans didn’t
especially like all aspects of each other’s policies, but they could accept enough
of them to get along. Extremists by contrast consider even centrists on the
other side to be beyond the pale; so, when extremists dominate the results are
rancorous, divisive, and obstructionist in a manner with which we are all too
familiar in the 21st century.
Biskind is at his best when
discussing films and TV shows of the last several decades and whether they
uphold (Game of Thrones) or subvert (The Dark Knight) mainstream consensus values
– especially but not exclusively in the apocalyptic scenarios in which so much
modern entertainment is set. Whether of the right or the left, extremist heroes
ignore normal civilized conventions. As for the superheroes, 1950s TV Superman was very much of the mainstream.
The X-Men are on the left. Biskind calls Deadpool the first alt-right
superhero. It should be noted that the underlying direction of the films is
often very different from the avowed politics of the director; the internal
logic of certain movies just takes them in a particular direction regardless.
His remarks on film are worth
reading simply for themselves, but is Biskind’s broader point right? Do our
favorite TV shows and movies really “inflame our emotions” so that (as someone
once wrote in an even more divided time) Things
fall apart; the centre cannot hold? Maybe. But I suspect they
reflect rather than lead the Zeitgeist. If a new consensus ever forms, so will
films celebrating it. For the immediate future, our movies (and protagonists)
are likely to be as immoderate as our elections.
Jack Teagarden - I
Swung the Election (1939)